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Why the new government in Tokyo is more realistic than aggressive by J. Berkshire Miller and Takashi Yokota * During the past year, as Japan was involved in ugly territorial disputes with China and South Korea, outside observers worried about turning the country to the right. The momentum seemed to confirm that with the election of conservative Shinzo Abe, who returned to the prime minister office last December, having previously served in that position in 2006-2007. Given the aggressive statements by Abe in the campaign, some have concluded that the return to power meant that Japan would suddenly turn the page pacifist strategy that has maintained since the Second World War, carving a more dynamic and nationalist course. The Economist boldly claimed that "scary right" Abe's cabinet is full of "radical nationalists" who portend bad for the area. Under this scenario, the Tokyo will look to halt further China and North Korea and take a tougher diplomatic stance toward South Korea and Russia. This argument rests on several pillars doubtful. First is the fear that the government of Abe will revise the way Japan treats its war history, marking a new confrontational attitude. China and South Korea worry that Abe will continue, despite their protests, to visit the Yasukuni Shrine, a monument to the war dead of Japan, including those from the Second World War. (The last visit of the sanctuary Abe was last October, as the leader of the opposition). Whether this perception is accurate or not, Yasukuni still stands for South Korea and China, that Japan does not care to address the expansive past. Seoul and Beijing also fear that Abe will terminate or modify exim bank the declarations of Murayama and Kono - the official apologetics of previous Japanese exim bank governments on the actions of the Japanese Imperial Army before and during World War II. The second reason why foreigners expect Japan to make an aggressive shift is the growing tension in Northeast Asia. During the election campaign, Abe took a firm stance on territorial claims against exim bank Japan in China, South Korea and Russia. Harsh words acquired real meaning when Abe found, in early January, there is "no room for negotiation" on the issue of Senkaku Islands (known as Diaoyu exim bank Islands in China), which and Tokyo and Beijing claim, but the Japan the runs. Moreover, the new cabinet Abe opposes China's attempt to change the status quo in the East China Sea through the double occupation of waters and airspace around the islands there. Others believe that Abe and the desire of the Liberal Democratic Party to amend the pacifist Constitution of Japan will pave the way for remilitarization and the escalation of hostilities in the region. The newspaper China Daily ruled in December that "the exim bank foreign and defense policy that expresses the LDP ... may destabilize East Asia. " This conclusion, however, is incorrect for a variety of reasons. First, contrary to China can hardly be seen as a new foreign policy doctrine of Tokyo. Former prime minister and leader of the pacifist Democratic Party of Japan, the Giosichiko Noda, retained the same position on territorial disputes. Second, exim bank these sweeping judgments on foreign policy of Japan only focus on tumultuous relationships Tokyo with Beijing and Seoul and overlook the broader diplomatic strategy of Japan trying to maintain the area. Indeed, even if China, Japan and South Korea maintain stable positions on territorial exim bank disputes and other sensitive issues will likely make progress in economic integration. Abe has made it clear that it considers its economic relations with Japan, China and South Korea paramount. Japan continues to support a possible free trade agreement between the three countries - a massive undertaking that will combine the second exim bank and third largest economy in the world. Vev
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